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Sri Lanka : LTTE storms airport : Airlines and Air force devastated |
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Eight Sri Lankan Air Force aircraft and two passenger jets were destroyed when an LTTE suicide squad bombed the Katunayake air force base and the adjoining Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) at 3.50 am on July 24. Thirteen LTTE militants and seven security personnel were killed in the shoot-out that lasted several hours in and around the air force base, the Defence Ministry said. According to a government press release, eight military aircraft, including three fighters, two helicopters and three trainer planes, were destroyed. A Sri Lankan Airlines release said that an A 340 and an A 330 aircraft were destroyed and three other aircraft were damaged when the fighting spilled over into the BIA complex at about 5 am. The LTTE’s Voice of Tigers (VOT) radio said that eight aircraft, including two Kfirs, two MiG-27s, one MI-24 helicopter and three other jet training craft were destroyed. VOT further said that the airport fuel tank was set ablaze, the control tower damaged and that a burning aircraft was blocking the runway. The suicide squad , consisting of twenty men armed with belt bombs, grenades, automatic weapons, shoulder-fired rocket launchers and anti-tank weapons, cut off the power supply to the base, making defence operations virtually impossible.
According to Civil Aviation Minister half of the twelve Sri Lankan Airlines planes were grounded as three other planes were damaged by bullets. He put the total loss at about $ 300 million.
The airport was cleared after several hours of fighting, the airport which was closed has since been opened, security in the harbour areas was beefed up and President Kumaratunga has announced a full-scale enquiry. Some operations of the Sri Lankan Airlines have been diverted to Dubai since a part of the Airlines is owned by UAE. Hours after the attack, Sri Lankan Air force launched an air attack on LTTE bases in the Vanni region apparently signalling that the air base was still in combat readiness.
When the attack began, there were at least 200 passengers at the departure launch waiting for a flight to Milan. The fighting went on for almost 8 hours. Eye witnesses watching from the Bandranaike International Airport terminal, separated from the airbase by the tarmac, saw flashes of light, bellowing flames and heard explosions and the sound of machine gun fire. They reported that within minutes, the LTTE cadres who had met with little resistance at the airbase, was dashing to the airport terminal. The LTTE attackers climbed the roof of the terminal and it was apparently from there that they fired mortars at the aircraft parked on the tarmac. Two A-330s and one A-340 recently acquired by Sri Lankan airlines were reduced to rubble.
The entire attack was carried out with military precision though there is no official word on how attackers infiltrated the complex. Bandaranaike International Airport is one of the most tightly guarded place in Sri Lanka. Hundreds of air force personnel are employed to protect he airport and the adjoining airbase. There are three checkpoints in the final 500 yards to the airport and at least two points anti-aircraft guns are deployed. There are also sentries around the parameter fencing. Yet the suspected Tamil Tiger rebels managed to infiltrate the heavily guarded airport and the adjoining airbase.
Wearing military fatigues and carrying rocket-propelled grenades, anti-tank weapons, 40-mm grenade launchers and general purpose machine guns, the rebels are thought to have sneaked in through the northern end of the civilian airport under cover of darkness between 3.30 am and 3.50 am. Other reports say the suicide squad gathered after midnight on the main Colombo highway from which the airport road branches off then walked through a dry canal that joins the negombo lagoon with a sewer behind the airbase without being seen by guards at two checkpoints and one bunker.
The attack is thought to have been “timed to mark the 18th anniversary of “Black July” when mobs of Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese majority killed 2,000 to 3,000 Tamils on 23-24 July in 1983. The 1983 riots, which were sparked by rebel killings of 13 policemen the previous day, are widely seen as the start of the 18-year-old civil war in which more than 64,000 people have died. Analysts also believe the attack was designed to weaken the Sri Lankan government’s air power, which was boosted when President Kumaratunga spent millions of pounds on new weaponry after the humiliating defeats at Elephant Pass in the northern Jaffna peninsula in 2000. On 2 July, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam had warned the government to stop bombing rebel positions, after a series of June air raids in the north that the rebels described as “provocative aggression” that would damage the peace process. However, the government said it was acting on intelligence that the rebels intended to launch another attack on the northern capital of Jaffna, and that it was merely seeking to defend the town’s 500,000 population.
The Government was quick to accuse the LTTE of carrying out the attack to destroy prospects of peace and disrupt constitutional processes. The Statement said throughout its history of armed action, the LTTE has attempted to seriously damage or destroy the economy and push the country’s development backwards. The stunning airport raid has thrown the Chandrika Kumaratunga government into confusion in the days to come. She has appealed to the Opposition to join hands with her in peaceful resolution of ethnic conflict. The Opposition UNP in a harsh indictment of the President said she was politically detranched and must go. Sri Lanka Muslim Congress said, the attack on the airport was primarily the result of abandonment of the peace process initiated by the government of Norway for petty-party political gains. The TULF also called for the resignation of the President, saying that she had precipitated the crisis by not responding to persistent peace overtures from the LTTE.
Commenting on the LTTE attack, political observers say, it was planned with diabolical precision to send a threatening message to the military authorities of Sri Lanka and its fractious civilian establishment. With this, the nihilist guerrilla organization has come close to declaring a strategic war on the state’s military and economic infrastructure in the present context of a dangerous drift in Sri Lanka’s conventional politics. To avoid a defeat in Parliament where her PA alliance lost majority after a key ally walked out of the coalition, she prorogued the House and announced a referendum on a new constitution. In a climate where the entire Oppositions up in arms against her action and is determined to impeach her for not allowing a no-confidence motion to be debated and voted in Parliament, the LTTE chief, V. Prabhakaran, appears determined to turn her troubles into his perceived advantage.
The tragedy for Kumaratunga is that she has narrowed her options by losing friends and allies in recent weeks and by proceeding headlong on a path of collision with the leaders of the Opposition. Her slide towards an increasingly intolerant style of politics can perhaps be traced to the circumstances in which she parted ways with a notable ally, Mr. Rauf Hakeem who is quite adept at articulating the views of both the minority Muslims and the overall multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation. Mr. Hakeem’s estrangement with the President sparked a chain-reaction of political ferment within the parliamentary arena. As a direct consequence, an alliance led by the President transparently lost its majority in the House. Unable to manage the setback, which would not have in any case affected her firm hold on the presidency itself, she prorogued Parliament and hastily decreed a referendum on the need for a new Constitution. Yet, with the country in disarray, her only viable option is to think of applying the healing touch. Otherwise, her confrontational politics within the mainstream arena may only weaken her further, although the constitutional draft in focus has many salutary features.
Chandrika’s campaign for referendum
In spite of the devastating attack on the country’s only international airport and the adjoining air base, President Kumaratunga is determined to go ahead with her plan for a referendum on a new Constitution. She kicked off the PA campaign for the August 21 referendum on constitutional changes with a combative speech on July 22 and promised a good deal for the Tamils and other ethnic minorities. Addressing her party leaders, she did not go into specifics, but observers said that she was certainly eluding the devolution of powers.
The August 21 referendum will ask the voters whether they desire a new constitution for the country. The only question that would be asked : “ Are you in agreement with the proposal that the country needs a new constitution, which is nationally important and essential requirement”. The Answer of the voters will be in Yes or No. Even if President Kumaratunga wins the referendum hands down, as is very likely, the political impasse is likely to continue. According to media sources, the Constitutional Affairs Minister, Mr. G.L. Peiris, has informed the President that since no constitution has been placed before the people, it would be difficult to interpret the results. The present 1978 Constitution will have to be amended by two-third majority in Parliament and the new proposals will have to be approved by the people in a subsequent referendum. According to observers, Ms. Kumaratunga may resort to another option. After winning the referendum, she may dissolve Parliament and hold another General Election, win a decisive majority and convert the new Parliament into a Constituent Assembly. The present political impasse is in many ways a consequence of the electoral system in Sri Lanka. The system of proportional representation no doubt has enabled minority groups to get representation in Parliament. The Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Tamils and the Muslims have gained representation in Parliament because of the system of proportional representation. On the negative side, it must be highlighted that under this system no party can get two-thirds majority, an essential pre-requisite for the introduction of a new Constitution. A small swing can lead to disastrous consequences as far as seats in Parliament are concerned. In 1970, under the first-pass-the post system, the SLFP, part of a united front, polled 36.9 per cent of the votes and got 91 seats; whereas the UNP polled 37.6 per cent but could get only 17 seats. The 1977 elections resulted in exactly opposite consequences. The UNP polled 50.9 per cent and secured 140 seats; whereas the SLFP polled 30 per cent but could win only eight seats. In the 2000 parliamentary election, the Peoples Alliance polled 45.2 per cent and won 107 seats; the UNP polled 40.29 per cent and got 89 seats. Ms. Kumaratunga was able to get he support of smaller parties such as the SLMC, the CWC and the EPDP and form a Government. As is well known, the SLMC withdrew support; the Government lost its majority. It was in this backdrop that Ms. Kumaratunga decided to prorogue Parliament and hold the referendum.
From an Indian point of view, the emerging political trends will have disastrous consequences. Competitive Sinhala politics has come to the fore and there is likely to be more mudslinging and mutual recrimination between the UNP and the PA. The Norwegian initiative to facilitate talks between the LTTE and Colombo has receded to the background. What is more, the devolution proposals cannot be implemented unless there is cooperation between the PA and the UNP. A Sinhala consensus, which is an essential pre-requisite for any amicable settlement of the ethnic conflict, looks an impossible dream. All these can benefit only Mr. V. Prabhakaran.
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