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Nepal : Maoists campaign against the King and Koirala |
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A month after the killing of King Birendra, whom it hailed as a liberal and patriotic monarch, the underground Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has instructed its cadres to attack the supporters of King Gyanendra and Prime Minister G P Koirala. In a statement Maoist chief Prachand vowed to attack the Gyanendra-Girija “caucus” whom he described as anti-national, murderers and fascists. The rebel leader had earlier described the June 1 palace massacre as “part of a national and international conspiracy”.
The Maoist decision to target the supporters of the King and the Prime Minister comes barely three days after the new Monarch, without referring to the underground party, sought to bring the people involved in violent political activity into the national mainstream.
Already the Maoists have stepped up their campaign against the King and the Prime Minister. A small bomb exploded near the house of Prime Minister Mr. Koirala on July 4, but no one was injured. Again on July 5, more than a dozen bombs were found dangling from electricity poles across kathmandu, including the adjacent ancient towns of Patten and Barthapur. Rebels also hung red banners with the bombs taking responsibility for the act. They also hanged effigies of the King and the Prime Minister alleging that the two were involved in a conspiracy in the massacre on June 1 that wiped out Nepal’s royalty. According to a news agency report, at least 40 policemen were killed in attacks carried out by Maoist insurgents, Nepalese Home Ministry officials said on July 7.
Elsewhere in the interior Maoist rebels attacked a police station and ambushed a bus in mid-east Nepal, killing one policeman and kidnapping at least 31.
The Maoists opposed Nepal’s constitutional monarchy and want to convert the nation into a Republic. They also want to dismantle the feudal structure that remains in parts of the country. Taking advantage of the people’s “growing disaffection”, the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) quietly launched a “people’s war” in 1996. Within a short period of five years, its cadres (the Maoists) effectively control eight of the 75 districts. This fact highlights its growing influence and the degree of its popular support. The Royal Nepal Government’s presence in these districts is nominal. In 65 other districts, its influence is steadily growing. The Government would have sent in the Royal Nepal Army (RNA) to crush the movement but for the wisdom of the late King Birendra. He was sensitive to its other dimensions and would have nudged the elected Government to not only open a dialogue with the so-called insurgents but also initiate social and economic reforms that would help reduce the imbalances that are at the root of the popular disaffection.
From the geopolitical perspective, the ongoing Maoist “people’s war”, observers feel, will become an instrument for China and Pakistan to keep Nepal down and hamstring India. Therefore, Nepal’s growing instability can hardly be viewed as that country’s internal matter. The Maoist cadres are already running training camps in northern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the two States that are “notorious for non-governance”. They have reportedly links with their ideological ally, the Maoist Communist Centre in Bihar that has linkages with similar ideological groups in Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. Given the current lack of warmth in Indo-Nepal relations, it will be the test of the highest skills of diplomacy for both the countries to work together as partners, and work together they must, to meet the Maoist challenge in Nepal through a process of social and economic reforms.
Will China back Maoists in Nepal ?
Political observers wonder, will China back the Maoists now on the prowl in the hinterland of Nepal. It is worth recalling that in January 1952, the Communist Party of Nepal made an attempt to seize power. It was aborted, and Dr. K.I. Singh, its leader, escaped into Tibet, where he was given an honourable asylum by the Chinese authorities. (But when India gave asylum to the Dalai Lama, China denounced India.) This episode revealed the true nature of China’s intentions. Nepal refused to have any diplomatic relations with China until 1956. In 1956, China entered into a trade agreement with Nepal, which allowed it to open trade offices in that country. This marked a turning point in Nepal’s life. So far, Nepalese politicians had been looking up to Indian political parties in their manoeuvres within Nepal. Now they looked towards China as well, and those who had grievances against India did indeed turn to the Chinese. Thus began troubles for both India and Nepal. In October 1956, China offered Nepal a loan of Rs. 60 million. Over the years, Chinese assistance has grown.
But as the border problem between India and China began to worsen, it also affected Sino-Nepal relations. In 1959 a large-scale rebellion broke out in Tibet. It was at this time that China advanced its claim on Nepalese territory as also on the Everest. In 1960 China engineered a conflict along the Nepal-Tibet border. All these were done to frighten the Nepalese Government into submission. As usual, China staged these with consummate skill. At about this time, India made a significant policy statement in which it said that it was prepared to defend Nepal in case of an external threat. This did not please some Nepalese politicians and the Chinese. China fully exploited it to its advantage. In April 1960, Chinese Premier Chou En-lai and Foreign Minister Chen Yi visited Nepal. Chou urged Kathmandu to allow China to construct a highway connecting the Nepalese capital with Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. The plea was that this would facilitate trade between Tibet and Nepal, and also because Nepal had given similar facilities to India. But the then Koirala Government did not agree to this proposal, though it had earlier concluded a border agreement with China and conceded the northern slope of Mt. Everest to China.
Following the dismissal of the Koirala Government by the King and the abrogation of the Constitution in December, 1960, Nepal’s relations with India, observers say, reached a new low. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s remark that Nepalese developments were anti-democratic further angered the royal regime. As India’s stock in Kathmandu began to sink, that of China rose. The Chinese took this opportunity to press their highway proposal again. They pointed out that effective help to Nepal’s established government could come from them to “frustrate any design” of India, but only if Nepal agreed to the construction of the highway. Possibly out of nervousness, Nepal succumbed. By October 1961, Nepal also completed its border demarcation, but made a series of concessions to China. During and after the 1962 India-China war, India continued to honour its policy towards Tibet, but China decided to undermine India’s influence in Nepal.
When the highway was completed, Nepalese strategists realised that the highway had breached Nepal’s security, for the Chinese had designed it for military purposes. The road made it possible for China to have direct access to the Himalayas and also to the whole of the Gangetic plains. Speaking in Parliament, Nehru had stated: “We cannot allow that barrier (Himalaya) to be penetrated because it is the principal barrier to India. Therefore, much as we appreciate the independence of Nepal, we cannot allow anything to go wrong in Nepal or permit that barrier to be crossed or weakened, because that would be a risk to our own security”. It was a strong statement with implications for Nepal. But neither India nor Nepal initiated any new policy. So, China continued to put pressure on Nepal.
At the end of 1967, the Chinese Charge d’ Affaires in Kathmandu was reported to have presented a note to the Nepal Foreign Ministry incorporating six demands, in effect demanding parity with India in all matters. These included facilities for recruitment of Gurkhas in Nepal and the demand for Chinese technicians to be posted in the southern checkposts along the Indian border just as India had been allowed the stationing of wireless operators in the northern checkposts of Nepal. The Chinese also claimed equal trade facilities for their nationals as enjoyed by Indian traders and Indian nationals. They also asked for unrestricted circulation of Chinese propaganda material. As the Chinese persisted in their demand, the Nepalese Government was forced to ask India to give up these facilities. Years have passed, but there is no change in China’s ultimate goal. Observers feel that it is not merely to secure parity with India, but also to expel Indian influence from the Himalayas.
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