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Naxalism: the Marxist – Leninist - Maoist revolutionary movement |
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‘Naxalism’, the socio - political identity of violent Marxist – Leninist - Maoist revolutionary movement in India has its root in a remote village of West Bengal – Naxalbari - which became the symbol of tribal-peasant revolt against bourgeois and cash - rich landlords in 1967. Though the movement in West Bengal was crushed within five years of its emergence, there was a strong undercurrent of sympathy for the extreme Left wing ideology across the vast corridors of India, in states of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa, even long after the movement was officially over.
Reemergence of Naxalite movement: The Naxal movement witnessed a resurrection in early 1990, and though primarily it was fragmented, fractionalized and confined to the state of Andhra Pradesh, it was successful in consolidating its base and gathering support in under - privileged, under - developed tribal areas, in addition to spreading wings in other states. Over the years, the Naxals organized themselves in a better manner, acquired weapons other than the traditional tribal bow and arrow and picked up skills in guerilla warfare. In their consistent battles over almost last two decade, they have managed to put para - military troops and police forces under tremendous pressure with their secretive and unpredictable way of functioning.
The battle - hard Naxals are now perceived to be the ‘greatest threat’ to India’s internal security and the Ministry of Home Affairs has acknowledged that 13 Indian states and their 170 districts are affected by the growing clout of Naxal movement. Policymakers recognize that a "red belt" has encircled a vast part of Indian subcontinent, running from the Uttar Pradesh - Bihar border with Nepal in the North and spreading though West Bengal, Orissa, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu.
Devoid of democratic practices, Naxalites - the self-pronounced saviour of deprived tribals and common man – have sought to impose tax in areas under their grip, mete out quick medieval justice to those who oppose them; in short they run a parallel government in remote villages and dense forest in parts of states where they operate.
The Naxalites seek to exploit the existing socio - economic inequalities in the hinterland of rural India, flowing from partial failure in the execution of land reform and now increasingly because of the lack of trickle down effect of development reaching these areas coupled with state apathy. Some analysts feel the movement has lost its mass character over the years as it has been using illiterate, innocent villagers and tribals to promote their anti - democratic agenda, using existing class conflict and villagers’ anger towards administration, and has not hesitated to use their own support base as human shield against police action.
Spread of Naxal network: Such has been the extent of Naxal violence that in the last half – a - decade, the number of civilians and security personnel killed in the Naxal belt is much greater than those in the insurgency - ridden north east and Kashmir. Whereas 4405 death were reported in Naxal - related violence during the period, the figures stand at 4,324 and 4,136, in North east and Kashmir, respectively.
According to intelligence reports, Naxalites are setting up new frontiers through Western UP, bordering Delhi, and penetrating in Haryana in the North and spreading though Karnataka in south. Their presence has been escalated in 14 districts in UP where they are already established, in addition to setting base in at least12 districts, most of them being in the vicinity of Delhi.
There are reports of fresh Naxal movement in Banda, Chitrakoot and other adjoining districts on the Madhya Pradesh – Uttar Pradesh border, confirmed by Special Task Force (STF) and state intelligence input. It is understood that the STF, during its offensive in the Bundelkhand region, found ample evidence of the movement in the new regions and of the Naxals extorting money from contractors of development works and those dealing in 'tendu patta' (Leaves of Diospyros melonoxylon).
Of equal concern is the availability of sophisticated weapons and ammunition with the Naxals. Earlier known to use conventional .303 rifles and country made firearms, they are now found using US - made SMG, Thomson guns and AK-47 rifles. The alleged involvement with the Maoists in Nepal has acted as a stimulus to bolster their ammunition kitty, with the para military force Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) deployed along the Indo - Nepal border confirming reports of regular joint sessions between the Naxals and the Nepal Maoists.
Recent atrocities: Around 200 Naxals struck on 9th of April, a week before general elections, targeting the largest bauxite mines in Asia. After a pitched battle with the police, they managed to take hostage over 150 miners in Damanjodi, a remote corner of Southern Orissa in India. Unlike the Mumbai 26//11 operation, which was fought in full public view, the battle of Damanjodi was won away from the media arch light.
Quick to tap the seemingly absent public interest in the incident, they struck again during the first phase of general election attacking polling booths and official establishments on 16 April killing over 20 persons. Many experts believe the decision of the Election Commission to undertake polling in Naxal affected states in a single phase, unlike Kashmir and north east - where multi - phased elections were held for security reasons, resulted in the thinning out of available forces - lead to inadequate security cover.
Lalgarh, a bastion of the ruling CPI (M) in West Bengal is the latest one to fall to the Naxalites. A senior police official of the Andhra Pradesh says “the Lalgarh incident shows that Maoists are going for positional war (occupying an area for prolonged periods) instead of guerrilla warfare. We are seeing the participation of a large number of militias is for the first time in Maoist history.” Earlier in Orissa and Chhattisgarh, the militia’s siege of a particular area ended in a few hours as they left after looting police arms and food supplies. However, “holding an area for longer period like this is definitely alarming,” reaffirmed the officer.
Government initiatives: The Government of India has realized the fact that unlike other extremist movement, Naxal activities find it easy to garner mass support as they ideologically seek to render justice to socially backward classes. Blatant use of force and banning the outfit is past has evidently proved to be ineffective in tackling the spread of Naxal menace. Hence, if Naxals are to be dissociated from the rural support base, the Government must come up with plans to bolster socio-economic activity in Naxal-infested areas which, in turn can act as a means to upgrade standard of living of the poor populace.
In its endeavor, the Centre is planning to chalk out a scientific 'Forest Management Plan' for five naxalite-infested states, said Union Minister of State for Forests and Environment, Jairam Ramesh in first week of June. Under the plan, the Centre would provide financial assistance for improving forest cover and weaning away tribals, easily falling prey to naxalites. As 60 per cent of the naxalite-prone areas had a good forest cover, the plan would be implemented in the naxalite-infested states of Orissa, Chattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh.
In addition to offering financial assistance to the economically-backward areas, the naxalism will be tackled with an iron hand. For that the Indian Army will provide logistical support and has been asked to make an on-the-spot assessment of the affected areas to suggest measures that need to be deployed. In the first phase, the assessment will be carried out in Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The Army will also set up its “sub-area” unit at Raipur in Chhattisgarh for logistical purpose, like stationing men and ammunition which can be used at shortest notice.
Indian Prime Minister has posited in past that Naxalite problem had a strong socio-economic dimension that was at the very essence of the issue. He rightly made a distinction between the hardcore Naxalite, who needs to be tackled severely, and the foot-soldier whom the Government will try to wean-off from the path of violence though socio-economic packages. This is the path India needs to follow—cautious use of force and simultaneous deployment of poverty elevation measures—which can ensure an end to this gravest problem.
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