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The regime change in Thailand last week has sent a shockwave in NSCN(IM) quarters as the Naga militant outfit used to negotiate with Indian leadership from Bangkok. Muivah does not know Gen. Sondhi Boonyartkalin, the commander-in-chief of the Thai army who overthrew the Government of caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra on Tuesday. But the military coup could not have come at a worse time for the Naga leader - it coincided with his visa running out. Just when he was trying to extend his stay to participate in the next round of the Naga peace talks in the second week of October, Gen. Boonyartkalin struck. On earlier occasions, Muivah has been able, with Indian help, to stay on for up to six months in Thailand. This time, the indications were mixed about extension of his visa. Barely had the uncertainty about his stay started sinking in, that the military coup took place. In a political environment that is increasingly growing uneven, visa extension seemed even more remote than earlier. The Naga leader was suddenly forced to scramble for a visa to Europe. “Since there is a change in the situation in Thailand, we feel it expedient to shift to another country for the next round of peace talks,” Muivah said, denying that he had been asked to leave Thailand. Reports say Muivah has since left for the Netherlands, discreetly escorted by Indian Embassy officials through immigration control. Committee of legal experts to take the peace process forward Having agreed to find a solution consistent with the “fundamental principles and framework of the Indian Constitution”, Muivah has now suggested to the Indian negotiators that they jointly set up a committee of legal experts to take the process forward. “We have proposed that a committee, with legal and other experts nominated by both sides, should go into the details of analysing the Constitution and the sharing of competencies between the Indian Government and the Nagas. It will report to the joint negotiating team, whose decision would be final,” Muivah said, elaborating on his proposal. However, Delhi might be reluctant to go ahead with such a committee at this stage as it is not sure what Muivah means by accepting the fundamental principles and framework of the Indian Constitution. While not ruling out a separate Naga constitution at this stage, Delhi would perhaps like Muivah to say unequivocally that the acceptance of the Indian Constitution means that its principles and structure can accommodate the rights and aspirations of the Nagas. Muivah, however, has a different interpretation. And therein lies the gap between the two positions. Muivah’s view is: “While the Nagas would have a separate constitution, it would be consistent with the fundamental principles and framework of the Indian Constitution, wherever possible. What we are willing to accept is that the political and constitutional system of the Nagas would be similar to and consistent with India’s. The two constitutions would also be similar and consistent. This is what I mean by saying that we do not accept the Indian Constitution per se.” Clashes on truce agenda The recurrent problem of factional clashes in Nagaland will loom against the backdrop of next month’s talks between the Centre and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah). The Centre sees factional clashes in Nagaland as a “big problem”. So, this concern will have to be factored in when the group of Union ministers, led by Oscar Fernandez, holds parleys with the Isak-Muivah faction next month. Again, it will be against this scenario that Union home ministry officials will meet NSCN (I-M) leaders early next month to discuss a review of the ceasefire ground rules that were laid down nine years ago. This, in turn, will influence the direct parleys.
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